This dissertation provides a novel perspective on the interaction between quantifier scope and ellipsis . It presents a detailed investigation of the scopal interaction between English negative indefinites , modals , and quantified phrases in ellipsis . One of the crucial observations is that a negative indefinite in object position cannot scope out of a verbal ellipsis site , while Quantifier Raising ( QR ) of a quantificational object can escape a verbal ellipsis site . This dissertation presents a unified account of this state of affairs in the context of multidominance . It is argued that both English negative indefinites and quantificational determiners decompose into two independent elements . Their formation is the result of a morphological process , Fusion Under Adjacency . The locality / adjacency required for fusion is established under remerge ( multidominance ) , in combination with cyclic Spell - Out / linearization . The main claim of this dissertation is that the PF - process of ellipsis can block this morphological process . It is proposed that the timing of Fusion Under Adjacency and ( derivational ) ellipsis plays a crucial role : Fusion Under Adjacency has to take place before the ellipsis licensor is merged . The lack of a blocking effect of ellipsis in QR is accounted for by the fact that QR always has a landing site below the ellipsis licensor . In addition to providing an account for the scopal behavior of quantificational elements under ellipsis , this dissertation also sheds new light on the syntax - to - PF mapping . It contributes to our understanding of how multidominant phrase markers are transferred to PF for ( non - ) pronunciation in a cyclic model of the grammar . This study is of relevance to scholars interested in the nature of ellipsis and quantifier scope , and the syntax - PF connection , as well as to a general syntactic readership .